Building a New Syria: Inside the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria

Fawza Yusuf, co-chair of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES) | Picture Credits: Abbas Abbas

This article was co-authored by Cihad Hammy and Abbas Abbas

In 2012, as the Syrian revolution turned increasingly intractable, the Assad regime withdrew its forces from the Kurdish-majority areas in northern Syria to focus on fighting the armed opposition in other cities.

 In this power vacuum, the Democratic Union Party (PYD) began implementing a project called Rojava, centered on, among other issues, women’s liberation and communal democracy, in the Kurdish regions of Syria in 2012.

Fawza Yusuf, co-chair of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES), in an interview with The Amargi, discussed how the Autonomous Administration was established. “Discussions were held with diverse  stakeholders and were based on a shared vision.” The Autonomous Administration was first declared in the Jazira region in 2014, and followed in Kobani and Afrin. After the liberation of Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor, Manbij, and Tabqa from ISIS in 2016 and 2017, Autonomous Administrations were also established in those areas, populated by close to 4.6 million people.

Challenges of Inclusion: A Multi-Ethnic Administration

Establishing a project like the DAANES is not an easy task. Not only does it embrace diverse ethnicities such as Arabs, Kurds, Assyrians, Armenians, Circassians, and Yazidis, but it also aspires to stand against and offer a new alternative to a centralized and homogenized nation-state.“The Assad regime always sought to divide and rule,” Sanharib Barsoum, co-chair of the Syriac Union Party, told the Amargi. “Through this project, we have broken this mold.” He added.

But a buy-in from the various groups of people was not a given. Because it was the PYD who proposed establishing the DAANES, many were suspicious that it was oriented towards Kurdish politics. “Many Armenians saw the Autonomous Administration as Kurdish,” Kohar Khajdoryan, member of the political bureau of the Armenian Union Party, told the Amargi.

Although many Arab tribes have joined the DAANES since its founding, it was not smooth sailing. Arab tribes are far from homogeneous in northern and eastern Syria. A few tribes worked with the DAANES, like Shammar, Ogeidat, and al-Jabour, while others expressed grievances, including marginalization and limited political inclusion. “Being Arab, I lived in fear of the Assad regime’s security apparatus located in the security zones, as our areas were under the regime’s control. Acceptance was not easy, and even joining the military force was difficult.” Akram Mahshoush, advisor to the Majbas of the Al-Jabour Tribe, explained to the Amargi. On top of these internal challenges that the DAANES faced, it has always been exposed to existential threats, be it from ISIS, the Syrian regime, or Turkey and its affiliated armed groups.

Despite these challenges, the flow of various ethnic and religious groups that continued to join the DAANES did not stop. According to Barsoum, his party rejected both the Assad regime and the main opposition body as neither offered guarantees for the rights of the Syriac people.  “This encouraged us to join and help establish the DAANES and participate in drafting the social contract securing Syriac identity, rights, and language.”

The social contract, revised to its final version in 2023, incorporates multiethnic representation, gender equality, linguistic freedom, and the abolition of the death penalty. However, critics stressed that the contract was approved only by the inner circle of the DANNES and lacked a popular mandate, such as provisions for a referendum.

Similar motives were voiced by prominent figures in Arab tribes. Mahshoush commented that when the DAANES began, “we found that the most appropriate thing was to have an administration in which everyone participates.”

Implementing these ideals amid an ongoing war has been a key challenge, and, particularly, the question of gender equality is considered by many to be radical for a conservative society. 

“In political and social affairs, women’s participation is 50%, and a co-chair system is adopted in all institutions, as stipulated in the social contract.” 

Although the Kurds are accused of hegemony within the DAANES, according to Barsoum, the Syriac community plays an active role across all constituting institutions. “We are present in all institutions of the self-administration, whether in the Syrian Democratic Forces or in the Internal Security Forces.

The DAANES is known for its high rate of women’s participation across the political, social, and military spheres. Yusuf emphasized that, “In political and social affairs, women’s participation is 50%, and a co-chair system is adopted in all institutions, as stipulated in the social contract.” 

Similarly, Khajdoryan maintained that women gained more freedom thanks to the laws that guaranteed their rights, and became actively involved in civil society.. “Today, we see women in leadership positions in the government and other fields; evidence of the experiment’s success in empowering women,” she stated.

Governance: Collective Decision-Making

With this diversity, the question of who makes decisions and how they are made remains crucial. When asked, Barsoum answered, “All institutions make collective decisions, not partisan ones; that is, they are unanimous. ” In Yusuf’s view, the democratic principles embedded in the DANNES social contract allow the inclusion of all groups and opinions held by those who belong to them.. Everyone’s opinions are taken into account by consensus. In dealing with the small number of members of a constituent group, “we allocate the latter a quota to ensure representation,” he added.  

“I do not deny that the Arabs and Syriacs sometimes encountered weakened positions in decision-making, but this proves the correctness of the approach taken by the Kurdish constituent, which is based on collective participation.”

Despite its openness to the region’s ethnic and religious diversity, the PYD was criticized for being dominant, undermining its legitimacy. It is noteworthy that while the DAANES presents itself as a radically democratic model, the PYD retains disproportionate organizational power within it.

Mahshoush acknowledged some limitations in decision-making but expressed hope in the overall approach adopted by the DAANES: “I do not deny that the Arabs and Syriacs sometimes encountered weakened positions in decision-making, but this proves the correctness of the approach taken by the Kurdish constituent, which is based on collective participation. Coordination exists among all components.” He further elaborates, “Decisions were never made individually or monopolized by a single constituent, even within themselves.”

As a new political model, the DAANES faces challenges and criticisms. Still, it has created a space for multiethnic governance, women’s participation, and collective decision-making in wartime Syria. Its success and survival are determined by external geopolitical factors, and internally by its capability in deepening democracy, addressing internal contradictions, and maintaining cooperation among the diverse communities.